International School History - International Baccalaureate - MYP History

MYP4 Last update - 27 November 2017  
Jacob Bronowski - Ascent of Man - Islam and the Renaissance
 
Every so often, the spread of ideas demands a new impulse. The coming of Islam six hundred years after Christ was the new, powerful impulse. It started as a local event, uncertain in its outcome; but once Mahomet conquered Mecca in ad 630, it took the southern world by storm. In a hundred years, Islam captured Alexandria, established a fabulous city of learning in Baghdad, and thrust its frontier to the east beyond Isfahan in Persia. By ad 730 the Moslem empire reached from Spain and Southern France to the borders of China and India: an empire of spectacular strength and grace, while Europe lapsed in the Dark Ages.

In this proselytising religion, the science of the conquered nations was gathered with a kleptomaniac zest. At the same time, there was a liberation of simple, local skills that had been despised. For instance, the first domed mosques were built with no more sophisticated apparatus than the ancient builder's set square - that is still used. The Masjid-i-Jomi (the Friday Mosque) in Isfahan is one of the statuesque monuments of early Islam. In centres like these, the knowledge of Greece and of the east was treasured, absorbed and diversified.

Mahomet had been firm that Islam was not to be a religion of  miracles; it became in intellectual content a pattern of contemplation and analysis. Mohammedan writers depersonalised and formalised the godhead: the mysticism of Islam is not blood and wine, flesh and bread, but an unearthly ecstasy.

Allah is the light of the heavens and the earth. His light may be compared to a niche that enshrines a lamp, the lamp within a crystal of star-like brilliance, light upon light. In temples which Allah has sanctioned to be built for the remembrance of his name do men praise him morning and evening, men whom neither trade nor profit can divert from remembering him.

One of the Greek inventions that Islam elaborated and spread was the astrolabe. As an observational device, it is primitive; it only measures the elevation of the sun or a star, and that crudely. But by coupling that single observation with one or more star maps, the astrolabe also carried out an elaborate scheme of computations that could determine latitude, sunrise and sunset, the time for prayer and the direction of Mecca for the traveller. And over the star map, the astrolabe was embellished with astrological and religious details, of course, for mystic comfort.

For a long time the astrolabe was the pocket watch and the slide rule of the world. When the poet Geoffrey Chaucer in 1391 wrote a primer to teach his son how to use the astrolabe, he copied it from an Arab astronomer of the eighth century.

Calculation was an endless delight to Moorish scholars. They loved problems, they enjoyed finding ingenious methods to solve them, and sometimes they turned their methods into mechanical devices. A more elaborate ready-reckoner than the astrolabe is the astrological or astronomical computer, something like an automatic calendar, made in the Caliphate of Baghdad in the thirteenth century. The calculations it makes are not deep, an alignment of dials for prognostication, yet it is a testimony to the mechanical skill of those who made it seven hundred years ago, and to their passion for playing with numbers.

The most important single innovation that the eager, inquisitive, and tolerant Arab scholars brought from afar was in writing numbers. The European notation for numbers then was still the clumsy Roman style, in which the number is put together from its parts by simple addition: for example, 1825 is written as MDCCCXXV, because it is the sum of M= 1000, D= 500, C+ C+ C= 100+100 +100, XX= 10+10, and V= 5. Islam replaced that by the modern decimal notation that we still call 'Arabic'.

However, a system that describes magnitude by place must provide for the possibility of empty places. The Arabic notation requires the invention of a zero.  The words zero and cipher are Arab words; so are algebra, almanac, zenith, and a dozen others in mathematics and astronomy. The Arabs brought the decimal system from India about AD 750, but it did not take hold in Europe for another five hundred years after that.

When Christianity came to win back Spain, the excitement of the struggle was on the frontier. Here Moors and Christians, and Jews too, mingled and made an extraordinary culture of dif­ferent faiths. In 1085 the centre of this mixed culture was fixed for a time in the city of Toledo. Toledo was the intellectual port of entry into Christian Europe of all the classics that the Arabs had brought together from Greece, from the Middle East, from Asia.

We think of Italy as the birthplace of the Renaissance. But the conception was in Spain in the twelfth century, and it is symbolised and expressed by the famous school of translators at Toledo, where the ancient texts were turned from Greek (which Europe had forgotten) through Arabic and Hebrew into Latin. In Toledo, amid other intellectual advances, an early set of astronomical tables was drawn up, as an encyclopedia of star positions. It is characteristic of the city and the time that the tables are Christian, but the numerals are Arabic, and are by now recognisably modern.

The most famous of the translators and the most brilliant was Gerard of Cremona, who had come from Italy specifically to find a copy of Ptolemy's book of astronomy, the Almagest, and who stayed on in Toledo to translate Archimedes, Hippocrates, Galen, Euclid — the classics of Greek science.

And yet, to me personally, the most remarkable and, in the long run, the most influential man who was translated was not a Greek. That is because I am interested in the perception of objects in space. And that was a subject about which the Greeks were totally wrong. It was understood for the first time about the year AD 1000 by an eccentric mathematician whom we call Alhazen, who was the one really original scientific mind that Arab culture produced. The Greeks had thought that light goes from the eyes to the object. Alhazen first recognised that we see an object because each point of it directs and reflects a ray into the eye. The Greek view could not explain how an object, my hand say, seems to change size when it moves. In Alhazen's account it is clear that the cone of rays that comes from the outline and shape of my hand grows narrower as I move my hand away from you. As I move it towards you, the cone of rays that enters your eye becomes larger and subtends a larger angle. And that, and only that, accounts for the difference in size. It is so simple a notion that it is astonishing that scientists paid almost no attention to it (Roger Bacon is an exception) for six hundred years. But artists attended to it long before that, and in a practical way. The concept of the cone of rays from object to the eye becomes the foundation of perspective. And perspective is the new idea which now revivifies mathematics.

The excitement of perspective passed into art in north Italy, in Florence and Venice, in the fifteenth century. A manuscript of Alhazen's Optics in translation in the Vatican Library in Rome is annotated by Lorenzo Ghiberti, who made the famous bronze perspectives for the doors of the Baptistry in Florence. He was not the first pioneer of perspective - that may have been Filippo Brunelleschi - and there were enough of them to form an identifiable school of the Perspectivi. It was a school of thought, for its aim was not simply to make the figures lifelike, but to create the sense of their movement in space.

The movement is evident as soon as we contrast a work by the Perspectivi with an earlier one. Carpaccio's painting of St Ursula leaving a vaguely Venetian port was painted in 1495. The obvious effect is to give to visual space a third dimension, just as the ear about this time hears another depth and dimension in the new harmonies in European music. But the ultimate effect is not so much depth as movement. Like the new music, the picture and its inhabitants are mobile. Above all, we feel that the painter's eye is on the move.

Contrast a fresco of Florence painted a hundred years earlier, about AD 1350. It is a view of the city from outside the walls, and the painter looks naively over the walls and the tops of the houses as if they were arranged in tiers. But this is not a matter of skill; it is a matter of intention. There is no attempt at perspective because the painter thought of himself as recording things, not as they look, but as they are: a God's eye view, a map of eternal truth.

The perspective painter has a different intention. He deliberately makes us step away from any absolute and abstract view. Not so much a place as a moment is fixed for us, and a fleeting moment: a point of view in time more than in space. All this was achieved by exact and mathematical means. The apparatus has been recorded with care by the German artist, Albrecht Durer, who travelled to Italy in 1506 to learn 'the secret art of perspective'. Durer of course has himself fixed a moment in time; and if we re-create his scene, we see the artist choosing the dramatic moment. He could have stopped early in his walk round the model. Or he could have moved, and frozen the vision at a later moment. But he chose to open his eye, like a camera shutter, understandably at the strong moment, when he sees the model full face. Perspective is not one point of view; for the painter, it is an active and continuous operation.

In early perspective it was customary to use a sight and a grid to hold the instant of vision. The sighting device comes from astronomy, and the squared paper on which the picture was drawn is now the stand-by of mathematics. All the natural details in which Durer delights are expressions of the dynamic of time: the ox and the ass, the blush of youth on the cheek of the Virgin. The picture is The adoration of the Magi. The three wise men from the east have found their star, and what it announces is the birth of time.

The chalice at the centre of Durer's painting was a test-piece in teaching perspective. For example, we have Uccello's analysis of the way the chalice looks; we can turn it on the computer as the perspective artist did. His eye worked like a turntable to follow and explore its shifting shape, the elongation of the circles into ellipses, and to catch the moment of time as a trace in space.

 

 

 

About I Contact Richard Jones-Nerzic