International
School History - International Baccalaureate - MYP History
MYP4
Last
update -
27 November 2017
Jacob Bronowski - Ascent of
Man - Islam and the Renaissance
Every so
often, the spread of ideas demands a new impulse. The
coming of Islam six hundred years after Christ was the
new, powerful impulse. It started as a local event,
uncertain in its outcome; but once Mahomet conquered
Mecca in ad 630, it took the southern world by storm. In
a hundred years, Islam captured Alexandria, established
a fabulous city of learning in Baghdad, and thrust its
frontier to the east beyond Isfahan in Persia. By ad 730
the Moslem empire reached from Spain and Southern France
to the borders of China and India: an empire of
spectacular strength and grace, while Europe lapsed in
the Dark Ages.
In this proselytising religion, the science of the
conquered nations was gathered with a kleptomaniac zest.
At the same time, there was a liberation of simple,
local skills that had been despised. For instance, the
first domed mosques were built with no more
sophisticated apparatus than the ancient builder's set
square - that is still used. The Masjid-i-Jomi (the
Friday Mosque) in Isfahan is one of the statuesque
monuments of early Islam. In centres like these, the
knowledge of Greece and of the east was treasured,
absorbed and diversified.
Mahomet had been firm that Islam was not to be a
religion of miracles; it became in intellectual
content a pattern of contemplation and analysis.
Mohammedan writers depersonalised and formalised the
godhead: the mysticism of Islam is not blood and wine,
flesh and bread, but an unearthly ecstasy.
Allah is the light of the heavens and the earth. His
light may be compared to a niche that enshrines a lamp,
the lamp within a crystal of star-like brilliance, light
upon light. In temples which Allah has sanctioned to be
built for the remembrance of his name do men praise him
morning and evening, men whom neither trade nor profit
can divert from remembering him.
One of the Greek inventions that Islam elaborated and
spread was the astrolabe. As an observational device, it
is primitive; it only measures the elevation of the sun
or a star, and that crudely. But by coupling that single
observation with one or more star maps, the astrolabe
also carried out an elaborate scheme of computations
that could determine latitude, sunrise and sunset, the
time for prayer and the direction of Mecca for the
traveller. And over the star map, the astrolabe was
embellished with astrological and religious details, of
course, for mystic comfort.
For a long time the astrolabe was the pocket watch and
the slide rule of the world. When the poet Geoffrey
Chaucer in 1391 wrote a primer to teach his son how to
use the astrolabe, he copied it from an Arab astronomer
of the eighth century.
Calculation was an endless delight to Moorish scholars.
They loved problems, they enjoyed finding ingenious
methods to solve them, and sometimes they turned their
methods into mechanical devices. A more elaborate ready-reckoner
than the astrolabe is the astrological or astronomical
computer, something like an automatic calendar, made in
the Caliphate of Baghdad in the thirteenth century. The
calculations it makes are not deep, an alignment of
dials for prognostication, yet it is a testimony to the
mechanical skill of those who made it seven hundred
years ago, and to their passion for playing with
numbers.
The most important single innovation that the eager,
inquisitive, and tolerant Arab scholars brought from
afar was in writing numbers. The European notation for
numbers then was still the clumsy Roman style, in which
the number is put together from its parts by simple
addition: for example, 1825 is written as MDCCCXXV,
because it is the sum of M= 1000, D= 500, C+ C+ C=
100+100 +100, XX= 10+10, and V= 5. Islam replaced that
by the modern decimal notation that we still call
'Arabic'.
However, a system that describes magnitude by place must
provide for the possibility of empty places. The Arabic
notation requires the invention of a zero. The
words zero and cipher are Arab words; so are algebra,
almanac, zenith, and a dozen others in mathematics and
astronomy. The Arabs brought the decimal system from
India about AD 750, but it did not take hold in Europe
for another five hundred years after that.
When Christianity came to win back
Spain, the excitement of the struggle was on the
frontier. Here Moors and Christians, and Jews too,
mingled and made an extraordinary culture of different
faiths. In 1085 the centre of this mixed culture was
fixed for a time in the city of Toledo. Toledo was the
intellectual port of entry into Christian Europe of all
the classics that the Arabs had brought together from
Greece, from the Middle East, from Asia.
We think of Italy as the birthplace of the Renaissance.
But the conception was in Spain in the twelfth century,
and it is symbolised and expressed by the famous school
of translators at Toledo, where the ancient texts were
turned from Greek (which Europe had forgotten) through
Arabic and Hebrew into Latin. In Toledo, amid other
intellectual advances, an early set of astronomical
tables was drawn up, as an encyclopedia of star
positions. It is characteristic of the city and the time
that the tables are Christian, but the numerals are
Arabic, and are by now recognisably modern.
The most famous of the translators and the most
brilliant was Gerard of Cremona, who had come from Italy
specifically to find a copy of Ptolemy's book of
astronomy, the Almagest, and who stayed on in Toledo to
translate Archimedes, Hippocrates, Galen, Euclid — the
classics of Greek science.
And yet, to me personally, the most remarkable and, in
the long run, the most influential man who was
translated was not a Greek. That is because I am
interested in the perception of objects in space. And
that was a subject about which the Greeks were totally
wrong. It was understood for the first time about the
year AD 1000 by an eccentric mathematician whom we call
Alhazen, who was the one really original scientific mind
that Arab culture produced. The Greeks had thought that
light goes from the eyes to the object. Alhazen first
recognised that we see an object because each point of
it directs and reflects a ray into the eye. The Greek
view could not explain how an object, my hand say, seems
to change size when it moves. In Alhazen's account it is
clear that the cone of rays that comes from the outline
and shape of my hand grows narrower as I move my hand
away from you. As I move it towards you, the cone of
rays that enters your eye becomes larger and subtends a
larger angle. And that, and only that, accounts for the
difference in size. It is so simple a notion that it is
astonishing that scientists paid almost no attention to
it (Roger Bacon is an exception) for six hundred years.
But artists attended to it long before that, and in a
practical way. The concept of the cone of rays from
object to the eye becomes the foundation of perspective.
And perspective is the new idea which now revivifies
mathematics.
The excitement of perspective passed into art in north
Italy, in Florence and Venice, in the fifteenth century.
A manuscript of Alhazen's Optics in translation in the
Vatican Library in Rome is annotated by Lorenzo
Ghiberti, who made the famous bronze perspectives for
the doors of the Baptistry in Florence. He was not the
first pioneer of perspective - that may have been
Filippo Brunelleschi - and there were enough of them to
form an identifiable school of the Perspectivi. It was a
school of thought, for its aim was not simply to make
the figures lifelike, but to create the sense of their
movement in space.
The movement is evident as soon as we contrast a work by
the Perspectivi with an earlier one. Carpaccio's
painting of St Ursula leaving a vaguely Venetian port
was painted in 1495. The obvious effect is to give to
visual space a third dimension, just as the ear about
this time hears another depth and dimension in the new
harmonies in European music. But the ultimate effect is
not so much depth as movement. Like the new music, the
picture and its inhabitants are mobile. Above all, we
feel that the painter's eye is on the move.
Contrast a fresco of Florence painted
a hundred years earlier, about AD 1350. It is a view of
the city from outside the walls, and the painter looks
naively over the walls and the tops of the houses as if
they were arranged in tiers. But this is not a matter of
skill; it is a matter of intention. There is no attempt
at perspective because the painter thought of himself as
recording things, not as they look, but as they are: a
God's eye view, a map of eternal truth.
The perspective painter has a different intention. He
deliberately makes us step away from any absolute and
abstract view. Not so much a place as a moment is fixed
for us, and a fleeting moment: a point of view in time
more than in space. All this was achieved by exact and
mathematical means. The apparatus has been recorded with
care by the German artist, Albrecht Durer, who travelled
to Italy in 1506 to learn 'the secret art of
perspective'. Durer of course has himself fixed a moment
in time; and if we re-create his scene, we see the
artist choosing the dramatic moment. He could have
stopped early in his walk round the model. Or he could
have moved, and frozen the vision at a later moment. But
he chose to open his eye, like a camera shutter,
understandably at the strong moment, when he sees the
model full face. Perspective is not one point of view;
for the painter, it is an active and continuous
operation.
In early perspective it was customary to use a sight and
a grid to hold the instant of vision. The sighting
device comes from astronomy, and the squared paper on
which the picture was drawn is now the stand-by of
mathematics. All the natural details in which Durer
delights are expressions of the dynamic of time: the ox
and the ass, the blush of youth on the cheek of the
Virgin. The picture is The adoration of the Magi. The
three wise men from the east have found their star, and
what it announces is the birth of time.
The chalice at the centre of Durer's painting was a
test-piece in teaching perspective. For example, we have
Uccello's analysis of the way the chalice looks; we can
turn it on the computer as the perspective artist did.
His eye worked like a turntable to follow and explore
its shifting shape, the elongation of the circles into
ellipses, and to catch the moment of time as a trace in
space.