S5 History |
Last
update -
04 May 2023 |
Official European
School History 4-5 Syllabus:
English,
French,
German. |
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Unit 6 - Nationalism in the 19th Century |
1. Socio-economic factors – Industrial Revolution
2. Cultural factors – Nationalism
3. Political military factors – War
Socio-economic factors
As we have seen,
the Industrial Revolution transformed the economic basis of
society with enormous social consequences. The old ruling
classes, the great land-owners were under pressure from the new
rising middle classes – the industrialists – to reorganise the
country politically.
Giving the industrialists a say in how the country was run,
would allow them to reorganise the country in the interests of
industry. This meant encouraging free trade, allowing the free
movement of people and ending feudal obligations and ties. It
meant in brief, liberalism. In much of Europe, people were often
either under the feudal control of small feudal states (as in
Germany) or the feudal control of foreign empires (such as the
Austrian Hapsburgs or Russian Romanovs).
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A German cartoon of 1834
pokes fun at the large numbers of customs barriers in
pre-united Germany |
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Either way, if capitalism was to develop,
these inefficient economic systems would have to change. As Marx
and Engels argued:
‘The necessary consequence of this was political centralisation.
Independent, or but loosely connected provinces, with separate
interests, laws, governments, and systems of taxation, became
lumped together into one nation, with one government, one code
of laws, one national class-interest, one frontier, and one
customs-tariff.’ Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels:
The Communist Manifesto (1848)

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Above left the 'German'
rail network in 1850, before unification and above right
in 1870. |
Cultural factors
And of course the development of industrial capitalism not only
required the creation of nation states, capitalism also made it
possible. By the late 19th century, subjects of monarch had
become citizens with a democratic stake in the future direction
of society. Individuals had lost their traditional peasant
attachments and village loyalties as they were urbanised,
educated and introduced to the ‘imagined communities’ and
‘invented traditions’ of the new nation states. They read their
daily national newspapers in codified national languages,
attended new schools with state directed national curricula,
travelled across their nation on national railway networks and
went to war waving newly invented flags (see Johnson's chart
below from 1867), singing newly composed
anthems.
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In a time when the church and
feudal ties were being weakened, nationalism, as the German
philosopher Hegel pointed out, was a useful way giving people a
sense of belonging and something to be loyal to. Nationalism
became the cultural glue that bound society together.
Where the nation states did not yet exist,
nationalists set out to create them. Popular movements like
Young Italy and Young Ireland, inspired by Romantic philosophy
and literature, established the principal characteristic
features of the nation and campaigned politically for its
creation.
Romanticism was a reaction to the Enlightenment that
emphasised not human rationalism, but rather human emotion.
Romantic artists and poets contrasted the beauty of wild nature
to the ugliness of the new cities. Romanticism and nationalism
shared a longing for an idealised past.
Romantic nationalism and rational liberalism
were therefore very different responses to the Industrial
Revolution. Liberals and nationalists were only united in their
opposition to feudalism. Where opposition from conservatives was
fierce, revolution was said to provide the answer. In 1830 and
1848 throughout Europe, nationalists and liberals fought
together establish their new political forms.
War
But whilst the revolutionaries remained fundamentally divided
and weak national ambitions failed. In the end, the great nation
building of the 19th century came about as a consequence of war.
New nationalist sentiment and industrial expediency encouraged
new nation states to be willed, but old fashioned power politics
and military conquest made it possible for them to be created.
Industrial development allowed Prussia to challenge the
political hegemony of Austria and France in the wars of
unification in the 1860s. |
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‘Since the treaties of
Vienna, our frontiers have been ill-designed for a
healthy body politic. Not through speeches and majority
decisions will the great questions of the day be decided
- that was the great mistake of 1848 and 1849 - but by
iron and blood.’ Otto von Bismarck (1862). |
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