Konrad Adenauer
secured the Chancellorship by the narrowest of margins, he faced
determined opposition from the Social Democratic Party, and his
Christian Democratic Union party could only rule with the
support of smaller parties. The Chancellor of the new state
faced a series of challenges, internal and external.
The Economy
In 1950, the
process of economic recovery in West Germany was far from
secure. There were 2 million unemployed, over 10% of the
workforce. To this number were added the continuing flow of
German internal immigrants from the East (c. 447,000 between
1951-53) with all the attendant problems associated with
integration. There was still an acute shortage of housing, basic
consumer goods and the danger that frustration at economic
failure could find expression in political extremism.
The GDR
The GDR would
remain a challenge and a source of efforts to undermine the West
German state throughout the Cold War. Should the FRG fail, the
existence of an alternative national model could prove an
attraction for dissatisfied citizens. West German politicians
had to live with the dilemma of pursuing unity with East Germany
or integrating the FRG more securely into the American led
western bloc. The Socialist Party opposed Adenauer’s pro-western
policies.
The Cold War
West Germany
faced front line exposure to Soviet pressure. In 1949, the year
in which the Soviet Union successfully tested an atomic bomb,
the Soviet Bloc armies vastly out-numbered those of the West.
When, in 1950, Communist North Korea attacked Western-backed
South Korea, the parallels with the World’s other ideologically
divided state, Germany, were obvious.
International
Relations
Germany was still
mistrusted by neighbouring countries. Germany’s history placed
constraints on German politicians as they articulated national
interests. This lingering pariah status is underlined by the
Brussels Pact of March 1948, in which Britain, France and the
Benelux countries formed an alliance against future German
aggression.
Semi-sovereignty
West Germany did
not immediately gain full independence; the military occupation
of Germany continued and German politicians’ scope of action was
curtailed by the Allies’ power of veto. The Ruhr industrial
region was placed under international control and France
retained control of the Saar coal-mining region. West Germany
was not permitted to rearm or to manufacture weapons.
Adenauer was the dominant political
figure of West Germany in the new state’s first decade, the
years of the economic miracle – Wirtschaftswunder.
Economic progress was rewarded with an increased share of the
votes for Adenauer’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU) in
elections in the 1950s. From this secure foundation Adenauer was
able to take stepstowards addressing the nation’s
challenges.
Adenauer and his economics
minister, Ludwig Erhard, oversaw a period during which the
economy grew by an average of 8% per year, the fastest in
Europe. By the end of the decade unemployment had fallen below
1% and there was a labour shortage. Inflation remained low
throughout and West Germany’s share of World exports trebled. (The
German Economy in the Twentieth Century. Hans-Joachim Braun,
Routledge, London, 1990:168).Erhard’s ‘Social Market Economy’ comprised
free market economics regulated by the state as far as necessary
to ensure adequate distribution of wealth, and welfare provision
for weaker members of society. It represented a third way
between American style capitalism and the strictly controlled
command economies of the Eastern Bloc. A co-operative approach
to industrial relations helped avoid economic disruption.
Workers had the right to significant representation on company
boards through which they could influence and share
responsibility for decisions. Productivity per man hour more
than trebled in the two decades after 1950, far outstripping
British figures, and highlighting the efficiency of the ‘German
model’. An extensive building programme offered millions of
Germans the chance of gaining a home of their own. The
Equalisation of Burdens Act, 1952, redistributed wealth from
those fortunate enough to have survived the War with their
property in tact, to those who had suffered losses.
Adenauer and Erhard were assisted by
external factors; the Korean War provided a surge in demand for
German steel and manufactured goods establishing the pattern of
an export-led economy. As the Western Allies bore the burden of
Cold War military spending, disarmed Germany could allocate
resources elsewhere.
Under Adenauer, the CDU broadened
its support from its Catholic origins to include other
denominations and non-religious conservatives to position itself
as a powerful centre-right party. The dominance of this strong
centre, and the economic stability that underpinned it,
contrasted with the polarised politics of the Weimar years and
exerted a magnetic appeal. During the 1950s, over 2 million,
often skilled and well-educated, East Germans moved west to take
advantage of the greater personal freedom and increased job
opportunities. In 1956, the inhabitants of the Saar region
rejected French plans to develop as an independent state in
favour of the ‘small reunification’ with West Germany.
Adenauer’s
policy of deeper integration into Western alliances alarmed the
Soviet Union and drew criticism from domestic opponents who
argued that German Unification should be the priority. Stalin’s
proposal, in 1952, of uniting the two states as a neutral
Germany in which free national elections could be held,
attempted to exploit these divisions. The plan was rejected by
the Allies who insisted that free elections would have to come
first and that Germany should be allowed to join military
alliances of its choice. Adenauer agreed that Stalin’s real
intention was to split West Germany from the West and create a
demiltarised Germany in the Soviet shadow. However, to his
opponents this demonstrated Adenauer’s subservience to the
Allies and his disregard for the 17 million Germans on the other
side of the Iron Curtain. “From then on
suspicions lingered that at heart Adenauer was not really
interested in reunification. All that can be safely said is that
he was more anxious to safeguard West Germany’s freedom and
security as a member of the Western Alliance than to achieve
national unity, if both could not be had at the same time and at
the same price.”
(L. Kettenacker: 58)
In May 1955 West
Germany’s rehabilitation was marked by the abandonment of the
Occupation Statute and, following the signing of the Germany
Treaty, the western Allies’ recognition of West Germany as a
fully independent state. In the same month, 10 years after the
Nazis’ defeat, West Germany joined NATO and as a member
was expected to contribute to the defence of Western Europe.
Adenauer faced opposition to such a contentious policy, and
could only proceed with rearmament by placing strict
constitutional limits on the use of the German military.
Domestic opponents argued that history proved the folly of
pursuing military power, and that Adenauer’s policies reduced
the chances of achieving German Unification. The Soviet Union
responded to West German membership of NATO by announcing the
establishment of the Warsaw Pact, an opposing military alliance
of Eastern Bloc sates including the GDR.
The two German
regimes settled into a pattern of mutual hostility each denying
the other’s legitimacy and each claiming to be the true
representative of Germany. West Germany also denied recognition
of other countries which recognised the GDR The only exception
to this ‘Hallstein Doctrine’ was the Soviet Union; Adenauer
visited Moscow in 1955 and secured the release of some 10,000
German prisoners of war still held in Russian camps. Berlin
remained an anomaly, a Western enclave surrounded by East
Germany and the scene of an increasing flow of East Germans into
the West. The GDR was the only European country to experience a
decline in population during the 1950s. In August 1961, the East
German authorities began to halt this process by constructing
the Berlin Wall, giving physical shape to the city’s political
division. Willy Brandt, Social Democrat candidate for the
Chancellorship broke off from his election campaign to travel to
Berlin. Adenauer’s response was slower; he didn’t go to Berlin
until nine days later, giving the impression that, for him,
Berlin was not a priority. Nevertheless, the CDU, as architects
of West Germany’s solid economic performance, won the election.
The death
of Peter Fechter in August 1961,
shot whilst trying to cross the wall.
Adenauer’s
cautious conservatism had set West Germany on a path from being
Europe’s problem to a position of respect as a stable component
in Western Europe’s response to the constraints of the Cold War.
However, critics perceived a failure to deal honestly with the
legacy of Nazism. Although Adenauer acknowledged Germany’s guilt
and agreed to pay reparations to Israel, the emphasis of the
Adenauer years was on reconstruction rather than recrimination
and many ex-Nazis retained their positions in the civil service
and in government. The benefits of honestly confronting the past
were balanced by an awareness of the destabilising effect such a
comprehensive purge may have.
Adenauer’s final
term as Chancellor was marred by the Spiegel Affair in which
journalists of Der Spiegel were arrested following a
controversial article in the magazine on the German military.
The arrests were widely seen as an attack on the freedom of the
press. The episode exposed the complacency and arrogance of a
government in its 13th year in power. The old,
authoritarian attitudes and echoes of Nazi intolerance were
amplified by the fact that one of the journalists was arrested
while in Spain by officials of General Franco’s regime. The
affair provoked protest from the public, the press and other
political parties. Adenauer could only secure the continued
support of his coalition partners by promising to stand down in
1963. At the age of 86, Adenauer’s rule was coming to an end.
By 1966, West
Germany’s economic growth had begun to slow down. Unemployment
and the success of neo-Nazi candidates at local elections
revived fears of a return to the problems of the Weimar years.
The CDU had formed a ‘Grand Coalition’ with the Socialist Party
– between them they controlled over 80% of parliamentary seats –
diminishing the power of opposition within parliament and
encouraging those who chose to oppose the government elsewhere,
often violently, in street protests that were a feature of many
European cities at the time. At the same time the Grand
Coalition enacted a programme of social liberalisation in which
adultery, homosexuality and blasphemy all ceased to be criminal
offences. The CDU’s long dominance of West German politics
finally came to an end in 1969 when Willy Brandt became
Chancellor at the head of a Socialist/Liberal (FDP) coalition.
In 2003 German
television channel, ZDF, invited viewers to vote for
the greatest German of all time. These are the
results.
Konrad Adenauer
Martin Luther
Karl Marx
Hans und Sophie Scholl
Willy Brandt
Johann Sebastian Bach
Johann Wolfgang von Goethe
Johannes Gutenberg
Otto von Bismarck
Albert Einstein
“Adolf Hitler and other Nazis were excluded
from the poll. Winner Konrad Adenauer served
from 1949 to 1963 and helped re-establish
German democracy after the Nazi era. He also
oversaw the first years of the German
economic miracle – a cause for some
nostalgia today as the country’s economy
lags in the doldrums”.
“Adenauer
and the CDU made West Germany in the 1950s their
own. They brought economic prosperity, material
wealth, political stability and relative security to
a population that wished to move on and put the
recent past behind it...Adenauer also secured for
the Federal Republic a respected place in the
international community...” (P.
O’Dochartaigh: 71)
“There can
be no doubt that he provided the kind of safe
leadership the Germans badly needed if they were to
climb out of the abyss into which Hitler had led
them. Above all, he felt it his mission to protect
Germans from themselves, from their penchant for
political follies, by tying them as closely as
possible into the Western European community of
nations.” (L. Kettenacker: 54)
“Bitterness
towards Adenauer remained in Berlin long after his
death: such behaviour seemed to confirm the widely
held belief that for him anything east of the River
Elbe was Siberia” (P.
O’Dochartaigh: 74)